# 16.童年失憶癥 [TOC=3,5] ## 16 Childhood amnesia ## 童年失憶癥 ### 16.1 Introduction ### 介紹 **Childhood amnesia** is the period of the first 2-4 years of life when a child is unable to form memories that might last a lifetime. Interestingly, there is no actual amnesia in a healthy child. Childhood amnesia is a misnomer. I will explain why. **童年失憶癥**是孩子無法形成可能持續一生的記憶的第一個 2 - 4 年的生命期。有趣的是，健康的孩子沒有實際的失憶癥。童年失憶癥是用詞不當。我會解釋原因。 Childhood amnesia is also often defined as the _inability of adults to recall events from childhood_. This definition is also misleading, because the phenomenon has nothing to do with adulthood beyond the fact that we keep [forgetting](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting) memories all the time. 童年失憶癥也常被定義為_成年人無法回憶童年時期的事_。這一定義也具有誤導性，因為這種現象與成年沒有任何關系，除了我們一直在[遺忘](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting)記憶這一事實。 Most importantly, childhood amnesia has a monumental impact on learning and development strategies. A large amount of early learning and acceleration programs do more harm than good. A great deal of child development mythology has its roots in childhood amnesia. Introductory school [curricula](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Curricula) are shaped by the impact of childhood amnesia on reasoning. Understanding and measuring memory in childhood is essential for protecting childhood from misguided intervention that affects millions of kids around the world as we speak. 最重要的是，童年失憶癥對學習和發展策略具有重大影響。大量的早期學習和加速計劃弊大于利。大量的兒童發展神話源于童年失憶癥。學校的入門[課程](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Curricula)是由童年失憶癥對推理的影響所塑造的。在童年時期，理解和衡量記憶對于保護兒童免受誤導性干預至關重要，這種干預會影響全世界數百萬兒童。 > Understanding childhood amnesia is essential for protecting kids from the harm of early acceleration programs > > 了解童年失憶癥對于保護兒童免受早期加速計劃的傷害至關重要 ### 16.2 Measuring amnesia ### 測量失憶癥 #### 16.2.1 Methodology problems #### 方法論問題 Childhood amnesia is known to almost everyone. Except for a few cases of false memory, we do not seem able to recall much or anything from before the age of 3-4. Researchers have for long been interested in the phenomenon hoping it could shed some light on how memory works and how it might benefit learning later in life. The old and tried method of collecting data on childhood amnesia is an interview. 幾乎每個人都知道童年失憶癥。除了一些虛假記憶的情況，我們似乎無法回憶起 3 - 4 歲之前的任何事情。長期以來，研究人員一直對這種現象感興趣，希望它能夠揭示記憶的運作方式，以及它如何在以后的生活中受益。收集童年失憶癥數據的老方法是面談。 The difficulty in establishing earliest memories by means of interview is compounded by the fact that the interview must be conducted early. Delaying the interview may shift the estimate of the first memory date to later years. The problem is that kids aged 4-5 cannot reliably answer the question "_What is the earliest thing you remember?_". Even the concept of "earliest" might be unclear. Dates are easily confused. Episodes get confused. Interview that does not involve adult witnesses is of little value. The only sensible approach to similar testimony is to assign each report a probability value. Only a large number of reports from early childhood with probabilities assigned to each event may provide a rough approximation of the likely date of the earliest memory. 通過面談來建立最早的記憶的困難是由于面談必須盡早進行。推遲面談可能會將第一次記憶日期的估計值推遲到以后。問題是 4 - 5 歲的孩子無法可靠地回答「_你記得最早的事情是什么？_」 這個問題 。甚至「最早」的概念也可能不清楚。日期很容易混淆。情節變得混亂。不涉及成年證人的面談沒什么價值。對于類似的證詞，唯一明智的方法是給每個報告分配一個概率值。只有大量的童年早期的報告，加上每個事件的概率，才能粗略地近似出最早記憶的可能日期。 I asked a 4 year old about memories from her baby times and toddler times. She said "_I vomited egg when I was 1.5 years old_". 1.5 seems way too early to form memories, but the girl was precocious and a little memory genius. However, the testimony of "1.5 years" is highly unreliable when taken from a kid. It might be a form of confused memory, implanted memory, misunderstanding, etc. Kids at 18 months have no concept of 1.5 years, hence the date itself must be an artifact. In this case, probability would have to be near zero and the main value of such a confession would be to warrant further investigation. 我問了一個 4 歲的孩子關于她嬰兒時期和幼兒時期的回憶。她說：「_我 1.5 歲的時候就吐了雞蛋_」。1.5 歲形成記憶似乎太早，但這個女孩是早熟的，有點記憶天才。然而，從孩子身上取下「1.5 歲」的證詞是非常不可靠的。它可能是一種混亂的記憶，植入的記憶，誤解等等。18 個月大的孩子沒有 1.5 歲的概念，因此日期本身一定是人為的。在這種情況下，概率必須接近于零，這種坦白的主要價值將是保證進行進一步調查。 When the father of the girl confirmed that she indeed ate egg at 1.5 and vomited, the probability of that early memory could increase, but still be very low. It could be a case of implanted memory. For example, girl's grandmother might recall at feeding time: "_when you were 1.5 years old, you vomited an egg_". This would plant that "early" memory at later time. 當女孩的父親證實她確實在 1.5 歲時吃了雞蛋并嘔吐時，早期記憶的可能性可能會增加，但仍然非常低。這可能是植入記憶的一個例子。例如，女孩的祖母可能會在喂食時回憶：「_當你 1.5 歲時，你吐了一個雞蛋_」。這將在以后植入「早期」記憶。 When family insisted it was not the case, and added a fact that the girl refused to eat egg ever since, the probability would increase further. In this case, the aversion memory appears to be well documented and surviving since early childhood. However, in investigating childhood amnesia we are more interested in abstract declarative memories or episodic memories. Could the girl indeed form a memory of the episode and keep it for 3 long years despite a rapid growth of her brain? Memory reimplantation might simply occur on any day when a child refused to eat egg and someone mentioned the episode of vomiting. Considering the very early age of that memory and possible alternative scenarios, the veracity of the report would still have to be ranked relatively low. 當家人堅稱情況并非如此，并補充事實說女孩從此拒絕吃雞蛋，這種可能性會進一步增加。在這種情況下，厭惡記憶似乎有很好的記錄，并從童年早期就存在了。然而，在調查童年失憶癥時，我們對抽象的陳述性記憶或情節記憶更感興趣。這個女孩真的能在大腦快速發育的情況下，對這件事形成記憶并保持 3 年之久嗎？記憶重新植入可能只是在孩子拒絕吃雞蛋和有人提到嘔吐的任何一天。考慮到這種記憶的年齡很小，以及可能出現的其他情況，報告的準確性仍然必須排在相對較低的位置。 It seems that for an individual child, only a close caregiver could note a sufficient number of episodes provided with sufficiently reliable documentation and sufficiently high probabilities to provide a good hint on the childhood amnesia window for a particular child. The error rate could still be very high. 似乎對于一個單獨的孩子來說，只有一個親密的照顧者才能注意到足夠多的事件，這些事件提供了足夠可靠的記錄和足夠高的概率，從而為特定的孩子提供了童年失憶癥窗口期的良好提示。但即使如此，錯誤率仍然可能很高。 These days, kids have many caregivers, spend a great deal of time in [daycare](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Daycare), and reliable research would probably require a single parent living with a child in highly controlled conditions. Even then, it would be a result relevant to that child only. 如今，孩子們有很多看護者，他們在[幼兒園](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Daycare)花費大量時間，可靠的研究可能需要單親父母與孩子生活在高度受控的環境中。即使這樣，結果也只與那個孩子有關。 #### 16.2.2 Forming first memories #### 形成第一記憶 To find out when lifelong memories begin seems like an interesting question. It might shed some light on how the young brain works. However, if we look at details of the process in which earliest memories are formed, the precise timing becomes far less interesting. It is simply a matter of chance. As such, finding the exact number for an individual is interesting but largely inconsequential. Finding the number for a large number of kids would be far more valuable but very hard to achieve. 要找出終身記憶何時開始，這似乎是一個有趣的問題。它可能會揭示年輕大腦的運作方式。但是，如果我們看一下最早形成記憶的過程的細節，那么精確的時間就不那么有趣了。這只是偶然的問題。因此，找到一個人的確切數字很有意思，但在很大程度上是無關緊要的。找到大量孩子的數字將更有價值，但很難實現。 Here is a sequence of events that should lead to the formation of the earliest memory lasting a lifetime \(for more details see [Childhood amnesia: Mechanism](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/I_would_never_send_my_kids_to_school#Childhood_amnesia:_Mechanism)\): 以下是一系列事件，應該會導致形成一生中最早的記憶（更多細節見[童年失憶癥：機制](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/I_would_never_send_my_kids_to_school%23Childhood_amnesia:_Mechanism#Childhood_amnesia:_Mechanism) ）： * a traumatic, stressful, or highly exciting event would form a set of episodic memories * 創傷，壓力或激動人心的事件會形成一系列情節記憶 * those memories should survive for a while by involvement of sufficiently many connections that would resist forgetting and be restored by pattern completion * 那些記憶應該留存一段時間，通過足夠多的連接來抵抗遺忘并通過模式完成來恢復 * complete forgetting would be prevented by a form of review, which may be a conversation, or more likely, a return to a memory by thinking about it or recalling it in similar contexts * 完全遺忘可以通過一種形式的復習來防止，這可能是一種對話，或者更可能是通過在類似情境中思考或回憶它來回到記憶中 * due to the involvement of a larger number of synapses, the memory would mutate, re-mold, transform, and get restored over and over again to take new shapes. All we need is the core meaning of the underlying event to survive * 由于大量突觸的參與，記憶會發生變異、重新塑造、轉化，并一遍又一遍地恢復，變成新的形狀。我們所需要的只是留存下來的潛在事件的核心意義 The above scenario shows that the formation of earliest memories will depend on random chance events such as a specific trauma or an exhilarating experience. It will then be contingent on further review which may depend on environmental cues that may or may not be helpful in retaining memories. Finally, earliest memories, once determined, may actually be forgotten in mere months or even years. In that sense, the estimate made at the age of 4 may look better \(younger\) than the same estimate made at the age of 7. 上述情景表明，最早記憶的形成將取決于隨機事件，如特定創傷或令人振奮的經歷。然后，它將取決于進一步的復習，這可能依賴于環境線索，而這些線索可能對記憶的保留有幫助，也可能沒有幫助。最后，最早的記憶，一旦確定，可能會在短短幾個月甚至幾年的時間里被遺忘。從這個意義上說，4 歲時的估計值可能比 7 歲時的估計值更好（更年輕）。 The most important underlying process, which is the [speed of forgetting](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting_curve), will be of consequence, but the timing of the earliest memory might change by several months or even years by sheer chance. 最重要的潛在過程，即[遺忘的速度](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting_curve)，將是重要的，但最早記憶的時間可能會在幾個月甚至幾年的時間內發生改變，這完全是偶然的。 ### 16.3 Neurogenesis hypothesis ### 神經發生假說 The old thinking about childhood amnesia is hat it was either a storage problem or a retrieval problem. It is neither. Memories are stored ok, and can be retrieved ok until they can not. 關于童年失憶癥的舊觀點是，它要么是一個存儲問題，要么是一個檢索問題。它兩者都不是。記憶可以很好地存儲，也可以很好地檢索，直到它們不能。 #### 16.3.1 Observing a child #### 觀察孩子 To investigate infantile amnesia, the ideal setting would be a single parent with a single child living in some isolated mountain hut under close supervision of cameras. To make the research meaningful, we might need dozens of similar setups to investigate individual variability. 為了調查嬰兒失憶癥，理想的場景應該是單親媽媽帶著一個孩子住在孤立的山間小屋，在攝像機的密切監視下。為了使研究有意義，我們可能需要幾十個類似的設置來調查個體的可變性。 A single parent in isolation is ideal. Adding a second parent to the picture may make the documentation harder. It is impossible for one parent to perfectly communicate to the other parent about all interactions with a child. However, it might help if both parents were neuroscientists. 單獨的單親家庭是理想的。向圖景中添加第二個父母可能會使記錄更加困難。父母中的一方不可能與另一方就與孩子的所有互動進行完美的溝通。然而，如果父母都是神經科學家，這可能會有所幫助。 [Sheena Josselyn](http://www.sickkids.ca/Research/AbouttheInstitute/Profiles/NMH/profile-josselyn.html) and Paul Frankland are an unusual pair of neuroscientists. There are interested in how memories form and the role of neurogenesis in that process. They are also married and have a daughter Charlotte \(see [picture](https://www.thestar.com/content/dam/thestar/life/sick_kids/2010/05/05/research_becomes_a_family_affair/sheena1.jpeg.size.custom.crop.1086x724.jpg)\). [Sheena Josselyn](http://www.sickkids.ca/Research/AbouttheInstitute/Profiles/NMH/profile-josselyn.html) 和 Paul Frankland 是一對不同尋常的神經科學家。他們感興趣的是記憶是如何形成的以及在這個過程中神經發生的作用。他們也結婚了，有一個女兒夏洛特（見[圖](https://www.thestar.com/content/dam/thestar/life/sick_kids/2010/05/05/research_becomes_a_family_affair/sheena1.jpeg.size.custom.crop.1086x724.jpg)）。 Jesselyn and Frankland do not live in an isolated hut, but they live in the second best place for research: science labs. Charlotte has spent her first five months [at work with her parents](https://www.thestar.com/life/sick_kids/2010/05/05/research_becomes_a_family_affair.html). Jesselyn 和 Frankland 并不住在一個孤立的小屋里，但他們生活在第二個最適合研究的地方：科學實驗室。夏洛特度過了她的前五個月[和她的父母一起工作](https://www.thestar.com/life/sick_kids/2010/05/05/research_becomes_a_family_affair.html) 。 #### 16.3.2 Neurogenesis hypothesis #### 神經發生假說 Charlotte Frankland made history when she was mentioned in an important paper which hypothesizes on the [role of neurogenesis in infantile amnesia](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Infantile_amnesia_caused_by_neurogenesis). Charlotte Frankland 創造了歷史，她在一篇關于[神經發生在嬰兒失憶癥中的作用](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Infantile_amnesia_caused_by_neurogenesis)的重要論文中被提到。 That paper explains why brain growth and memories are incompatible, and why long-lasting childhood amnesia might actually be an indicator of long-lasting brain development, i.e. a good thing. 那篇論文解釋了為什么大腦發育和記憶不相容，以及為什么長期的童年失憶癥實際上可能是長期大腦發育的一個指標，即一件好事。 The neurogenesis hypothesis: 神經發生假說： > **Rapid growth of the brain in early development involves neurogenesis and other processes that interfere with survival of early memories.** > > **早期發育中大腦的快速生長包括神經發生和其他干擾早期記憶留存的過程。** The young hippocampus is in constant flow. Memories stored in the cortex may lose their access wiring as a result of that fast growth. They can no longer be accessed, which means accelerated biochemical forgetting at the synaptic level after the actual forgetting at the neural level. 年輕的海馬體不斷流動。由于大腦皮層的快速增長，儲存在大腦皮層的記憶可能會失去通路。它們不再能被獲取，這意味著在神經層面的實際遺忘之后，突觸層面的生化遺忘會加速。 Nobel winning icon of memory research, [Dr Eric Kandel](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eric_Kandel) agrees: "_The hippocampus matures slowly and probably doesn’t reach any reasonable maturity until we’re 3 or 4. While 2- and 3-year-olds can remember things for a short time, the hippocampus is required for long-term storage of those memories_". 諾貝爾記憶研究獎得主 [Eric Kandel 博士](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eric_Kandel)同意：「_海馬體成熟緩慢，可能要到我們 3 歲或 4 歲時才會達到合理的成熟。雖然 2 歲和 3 歲的孩子能在短時間內記住事情，但海馬體是長期儲存這些記憶所必需的_」。 #### 16.3.3 Future research #### 未來研究 Paul Frankland hopes to verify some of his hypotheses using research on kids suffering from brain cancer. In chemotherapy, drugs that slow down neurogenesis without actually damaging nerve cells may turn out to improve memory in childhood. If this research confirms Frankland's prediction, it will provide a harrowing proof that good memory isn't always a good thing in early childhood. Paul Frankland 希望通過對患有腦癌的孩子的研究來驗證他的一些假設。在化療中，減緩神經發生而不會實際損害神經細胞的藥物可能會改善兒童時期的記憶力。如果這項研究證實了 Frankland 的預測，它將提供一個令人痛苦的證據，即良好的記憶在兒童早期并不總是一件好事。 #### 16.3.4 Kids have no long-term memory #### 孩子們沒有長期記憶 Let's re-examine childhood amnesia as a retrieval failure in the context of the neurogenesis hypothesis. It is possible that due to neurogenesis, some cortical connection might become inaccessible. However, calling it retrieval failure would be a misnomer as it would suggest memories might somehow be retrieved given favorable circumstances. Those abandoned memories are like seeds of wheat on a desert: bereft and useless. They are a likely target of [synaptic elimination in sleep](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Memory_optimization_in_sleep). Little kids virtually have no declarative long-term memory for semantic knowledge. Declarative recall in 6 months comes from review \(e.g. names "milk" and "bottle" survive well with daily review\). Episodic recall in 6 months comes also mostly from review, e.g. due to a traumatic nature of a memory, or in a specific repeated context \(e.g. passing the same landmark on the way to daycare\). Those kids that do have a genuine memory of a span of months might be precocious, but memory precocity may also imply shorter period for brain growth. If precocity is achieved by any form of acceleration or [stress](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stress_resilience), this may spell the possibility of never growing up to one's true potential. 讓我們在神經發生假說的背景下，重新審視兒童失憶癥作為一種檢索失敗。可能是由于神經發生，一些皮質連接可能變得不可接近。然而，稱其為檢索失敗是一個錯誤的名稱，因為它表明，在有利的環境下，記憶可能會以某種方式被檢索。那些被遺棄的記憶就像是沙漠上的小麥種子：喪失了生命，沒有用處。它們很可能是[睡眠中突觸消除](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Memory_optimization_in_sleep)的目標 。對于語義知識來說，小孩幾乎沒有陳述性的長期記憶。6 個月內的陳述性召回來自復習（例如，名稱「牛奶」和「瓶子」在每日復習中留存得很好）。6 個月內的情節回憶也主要來自回憶，例如由于記憶的創傷性質，或者在特定的重復背景下（例如在去幼兒園的路上傳遞相同的地標）。那些確實記憶了幾個月的孩子可能是早熟的，但記憶早熟也可能意味著大腦發育的時間縮短。如果早熟是通過任何形式的加速或[壓力](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stress_resilience)實現的，這可能意味著永遠無法達到一個人真正的潛力。 #### 16.3.5 Plasticity-vs-stability trade off #### 可塑性與穩定性的權衡 Plasticity and forgetfulness come hand in hand. Memory [stability](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stability) is essential to prevent [forgetting](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting). It is also an essential property of neural networks. As much as biological networks use stability for the purpose of high reasoning, artificial neural networks may use the same trick to allow of sequential learning without the side effect of catastrophic forgetting. Plasticity is vital for learning. Stability is vital for intelligence. 可塑性和遺忘是并駕齊驅的。記憶的穩定性是防止[遺忘](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting)的關鍵。這也是神經網絡的一個基本特性。正如生物網絡使用穩定性來進行高推理一樣，人工神經網絡也可以使用同樣的技巧來進行順序學習，而不會產生災難性遺忘的副作用。可塑性對學習至關重要。穩定性對智力至關重要。 During development, brain growth and plasticity are at a premium. This is why kids can afford to live many years with increased rates of forgetting. Before they [become experts](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Knowledge_in_creative_problem_solving), kids got a great deal of learning to do. A huge part of that learning is structural. Structural learning implies [interference](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Interference) and, paradoxically, increased forgetting as well. I argue throughout [this book](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Problem_of_schooling) that the longer we let the brain grow, the better the ultimate outcome. 在發育過程中，大腦生長和可塑性非常重要。這就是為什么孩子們可以承受多年的遺忘率增加。在成為[成為專家](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Knowledge_in_creative_problem_solving)，孩子們學到了很多東西。這種學習的很大一部分是結構性的。結構學習意味著[干擾](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Interference)，矛盾的是，也增加了遺忘。我在[整本書](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Problem_of_schooling)中都認為，我們讓大腦成長的時間越長，最終結果就越好。 The rate of neurogenesis might not provide a complete picture in that developmental trade-off. There is also an issue of [dendritic spine turnover](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Dendritic_spine_turnover_is_high_early_in_development). This turnover may underlie [structural plasticity](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Two_component_model_of_memory_stability). In youth, dendritic spine turnover is high and results in a net loss of dendritic spines. In the neocortex, dendritic spines may contribute to memory [stability](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stability). As a result, a child is a great structural learning machine, while still being a poor declarative learner \(e.g. from the point of view of the demands posed by [schooling](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Problem_of_schooling)\). 神經發生的速度可能不能提供發育權衡的完整圖景。還有一個[樹突狀脊柱轉換](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Dendritic_spine_turnover_is_high_early_in_development)的問題。這種轉變可能是[結構可塑性](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Two_component_model_of_memory_stability)的基礎。在青年時期，樹突棘的周轉率很高，導致樹突棘的凈損失。在新皮質中，樹突棘可能有助于記憶的[穩定性](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stability)。因此，一個孩子是一個偉大的結構學習機器，但仍然是一個糟糕的陳述性學習者（例如，從[學校教育](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Problem_of_schooling)的要求來看）。 The illusory absence of declarative memory may extend up to the age of 6 or 7, and should be interpreted as an indicator of brain development, i.e. a welcome phenomenon. If your kid can't recall the alphabet, it is not a reason for scolding. The following [forgetting curve](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting_curve) graph collected with [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) illustrates the plasticity-stability trade off at a preschool age \(more details [here](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo_does_not_work_for_kids)\): 虛假的陳述性記憶缺失可能延續到 6 或 7 歲，應該被解釋為大腦發育的指標，即一種受歡迎的現象。如果你的孩子不記得字母表，那就不是責罵的理由。下面這張由 [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) 收集的[遺忘曲線](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting_curve)圖展示了學齡前兒童的可塑性和穩定性之間的平衡關系（更多細節請看[這里](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo_does_not_work_for_kids)）：  > **Figure:** A forgetting curve from a preschooler's SuperMemo collection. The absence of forgetting indicates the absence of intentional declarative learning. The decay constant is nearly zero which makes optimum interval meaningless. 1706 repetition cases have been recorded. This flat forgetting curve would go unnoticed in older versions of SuperMemo due to the adult-centric assumption that on Day=0, retrievability is 100%. Overtime, this forgetting curve will lean down to produce a graph typical of adult learning > > **數字：** 來自學齡前兒童的 SuperMemo 集合中的遺忘曲線。遺忘的缺失表明有意陳述性學習的缺失。衰減常數幾乎為零，這使得最佳間隔毫無意義。已記錄 1706 個重復案例。由于以成人為中心的假設是，當 Day = 0 時，可恢復性為 100％，因此這個平坦的遺忘曲線在舊版本的 SuperMemo 中不會被注意到。隨著時間的推移，這條遺忘曲線將向下傾斜，形成一個典型的成人學習曲線圖 > > Before puberty, brain development is more about structural crystallization than about declarative learning. This is why play and exploration should receive priority over schooling > > 在青春期之前，大腦發育更多地是關于結構結晶，而不是關于陳述性學習。這就是為什么玩耍和探索應該優先于學校教育 ### 16.4 Measuring infantile amnesia with SuperMemo ### 用 SuperMemo 測量嬰兒失憶癥 [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) is an excellent tool for studying memory. However, it cannot be used for studying childhood amnesia because amnesia refers to episodic memories that are not a typical subject of intentional review in SuperMemo. Moreover, SuperMemo would instantly evoke an observer effect in which duration of memory is artificially impacted by the measurement \(review\). [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) 是研究記憶的絕佳工具。然而，它不能用于研究童年失憶癥，因為失憶癥是指情節記憶，而不是 SuperMemo 中有意復習的典型主題。此外，SuperMemo 會立即引起觀察者效應，其中記憶的持續時間受到測量（復習）的人為影響。 Here are the reasons while SuperMemo does not fit the bill: 以下是 SuperMemo 不符合要求的原因： * SuperMemo is not considered useful in retaining episodic memories, it is used for declarative memories that are useful but not too easy to remember * SuperMemo 被認為在保留情景記憶方面沒有什么用處，它被用于陳述性記憶，這類記憶很有用，但不太容易記住 * by definition, review in SuperMemo contradicts the notion of earliest memories that should survive in child's mind as lasting memories without artificial support * 根據定義，SuperMemo 中的復習與最早的記憶概念相矛盾，早期記憶應該在孩子的頭腦中作為持久的記憶而存在，不需要人為的支持 * we have little SuperMemo data from children. Very few parents opt to use SuperMemo at young ages, and we actually discourage the practise as possibly harmful * 我們幾乎沒有來自兒童的 SuperMemo 數據。很少有父母在孩子很小的時候就選擇使用 SuperMemo，我們實際上不鼓勵這種做法，因為它可能是有害的 On the other hand, the most interesting component of childhood amnesia is memory turnover and resulting forgetting. Forgetting in childhood is so fast that we can easily interpret it as a result of interference associated with the fast growth of the brain. In that sense, SuperMemo would be an excellent measure of the quality of young memory, except we would need to depart from the currently accepted notion of childhood amnesia. 另一方面，童年失憶癥中最有趣的部分是記憶的轉換和由此導致的遺忘。在童年時期遺忘是如此之快，以至于我們可以很容易地將其解釋為與大腦快速增長相關的干擾的結果。從這個意義上說，SuperMemo 將是衡量年輕記憶質量的一個很好的方法，只是我們需要摒棄目前公認的童年失憶癥的概念。 Declarative semantic memories subject to [spaced repetition](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Spaced_repetition) are an excellent material to show the progression of long-term memory capacity with age. For example, longest inter-repetition interval achieved can be tracked over time. In SuperMemo, "best interval" is the longest interval that terminates with a pass grade. [間隔重復](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Spaced_repetition)的陳述性語義記憶是顯示長期記憶能力隨年齡增長的極好材料。例如，最長的重復間隔可以隨時間跟蹤。在 SuperMemo 中，「最佳間隔」是以及格分數結束的最長間隔。 In the following graph, we can see that until the age of 2, the child could hardly form memories reaching 2 months. 在下面的圖表中，我們可以看到，直到 2 歲，孩子幾乎不能形成 2 個月的記憶。  Naturally, in [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo), best interval is also a function of the period in which the program had been in use \(it takes years to produce intervals on the order of decades\). For this reason, best interval graph is interesting, but it is not revealing. 當然，在 [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) 中，最佳間隔也是程序已經使用的時間段的函數（生成幾十年的間隔需要數年的時間）。由于這個原因，最佳間隔圖很有趣，但它并不能說明問題。 A better measure of amnesia is to compare best interval ratios between two users: a child and an adult. In the graph, the starting point of 30% \(for child's capacity\) is an overestimate due the fact that the adult is initially limited not by his memory, but by the length of intervals achievable early in SuperMemo. 一個更好的衡量失憶癥的方法是比較兩個使用者之間的最佳間隔比率：兒童和成人。在圖中，30% 的起點（兒童容量）是高估的，因為成人最初不受記憶的限制，而是受 SuperMemo 早期可達到的間隔長度的限制。  > **Figure:** We can measure the relative extent of childhood amnesia, by comparing the increase in the span of long-term memories in a child and in an adult. In the presented graph, an average student is compared with a single child in a period between the ages of 1.0 and 3.5 years. The horizontal axis refers to the child's age in years. The vertical axis shows the child-to-adult ratio of the maximum memory stability achieved in the learning process. While an adult shows a rapid progression in developing long-term memories, a child may struggle to form memories lasting beyond a month \(assuming no review\). In the presented example, it takes some 3-4 years before a child's performance approaches the adult levels. However, even then, the comparison may be distorted by the natural limit to the increase in memory stability \(data was collected with SuperMemo that imposes function constraints for the sake of efficient use in learning\). Similarly, the starting point of 30% in child/adult ratio is an overestimate due the fact that the adult is initially limited not by his memory, but by the length of intervals achievable early in spaced repetition. Moreover, adults also differ by a wide margin in their ability to formulate well-structured questions in the learning process. A comparison with an excellent adult student might keep children at a disadvantage even in their teen years > > **數字：** 我們可以通過比較兒童和成人長期記憶跨度的增加來衡量兒童遺忘的相對程度。在所呈現的圖表中，將平均學生與年齡在 1.0 到 3.5 歲之間的單個孩子進行比較。橫軸是指兒童的年齡。縱軸表示在學習過程中實現的最大記憶穩定性的兒童與成人之比。雖然成年人在發展長期記憶方面表現出快速進展，但是孩子可能很難形成持續超過一個月的記憶（假設沒有復習）。在所提供的示例中，在孩子的表現接近成人水平之前需要大約 3 - 4 年。然而，即使這樣，比較也可能因記憶穩定性增加的自然限制而失真（使用 SuperMemo 收集數據為了有效地用于學習而強加功能約束）。類似地，兒童/成人比率的 30％ 的起點是高估的，因為成年人最初不是受他的記憶限制，而是受間隔重復早期可達到的間隔長度的限制。此外，成年人在學習過程中制定結構良好的問題的能力差異很大。與優秀的成年學生進行比較可能會使孩子在青少年時期處于不利地位 In addition, a 1 year old toddler may learn "obvious" things like "a car", which soon become "fixed" memory, which can be retained with or without SuperMemo. 此外，一個 1 歲的孩子可能會學習「明顯」的東西，比如「汽車」，很快就會變成「固定的」記憶，可以在有或沒有 SuperMemo 的情況下保留。 The fact that a 3.5 year old can compete with an adult is already much better a reflection of memory properties. It needs to be emphasized strongly that adults also differ by a wide margin due to the differences in their ability to [formulate well-structured questions](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/20_rules) in the learning process. A comparison with an excellent student might keep kids at a disadvantage for much longer. Even up to their teens years. 一個 3.5 歲的孩子可以和一個成年人競爭，這一事實已經是記憶特性的一個更好的反映。需要強烈強調的是，由于在學習過程中[制定結構良好的問題](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/20_rules)的能力的不同，成年人也存在很大的差異。與優秀的學生進行比較可能會讓孩子在更長的時間內處于不利地位。甚至到了他們十幾歲的時候。 ### 16.5 Measurement example ### 測量示例 Every parent can attempt to contribute to the measurements of childhood amnesia. If you happen to follow the prescription below, please do not forget to mail your results to [me](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Piotr_Wozniak). 每個家長都可以嘗試對童年失憶癥的測量做出貢獻。如果您碰巧遵循下面的方法，請不要忘記將您的結果郵寄給[我](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Piotr_Wozniak)。 Here is a simple algorithm: 這是一個簡單的算法： * elect the minimum memory survival distance that qualifies for a data point. For example, 6-month period seems like a good yardstick. Events recalled with a 3-month delay might easily be classified as "candidates" due to the fact that amnesia does not end with the first remembered event, but with the first memorable event that can survive forgetting via incidental episodic review \(e.g. through contextual reminiscence\) * 選擇符合數據點的最短記憶留存距離。例如，6 個月的時間似乎是一個很好的尺度。延遲3個月回憶的事件可能很容易被歸類為「候選人」，因為失憶癥不會以第一個記住的事件結束，而是以第一個可以通過偶然的情景回憶（例如，通過語境回憶）而不被遺忘的難忘事件結束。 * document each data point as a triple: event date, recall date, and probability \(e.g. 0.35 would mean there is a 65% chance that the recall could be hinted to or caused by factors other than actual surviving memory\); naturally, each data point should get a detailed description of the episode because the data may need to be verified in the future * 將每個數據點記錄為一個三元組：事件日期，回憶日期和概率（例如 0.35 表示回憶可能被暗示或由實際留存記憶以外的因素引起的概率為 65％）; 當然，每個數據點都應該得到該事件的詳細描述，因為將來可能需要驗證數據 * keep sorting data point by the earliest recall date * 按最早的回憶日期排序數據點 * for each data point, starting with the earliest, compute the distance from earliest memory and the expected distance using the formula: * 對于每個數據點，從最早開始，使用以下公式計算距最早記憶和預期距離的距離： ```text CL(i)=CL(i-1)+(1-CL(i-1))*P(i) ED(i)=CL(i-1)*ED(i-1)+(1-CL(i-1))*D(i) ``` where: 這里： * `D` - distance \(i.e. recall date minus the earliest recorded remembered episode date\) * `D` - 距離（即回憶日期減去最早記錄的記憶片段日期） * `P` - probability \(i.e. chances that the recall of the episode is not an artifact\) * `P` - 概率（即對事件的回憶不是人為的） * `ED` - expected distance \(i.e. the best prediction of the distance to the earliest recalled episode in days\) * `ED` - 期望距離（即以天為單位對最早回憶事件的距離的最佳預測） * `CL` - confidence level \(i.e. cumulative chances that the recall is not an artifact\) * `CL` - 置信水平（即回憶不是人為的累積機會） In above formulas D\(1\)=0, ED\(1\)=0, and CL\(1\)=P\(1\). The end of amnesia is marked by the age computed from the date of the first recorded episode plus the expected distance \(at a given confidence level\). 在上式中，D（1）= 0，ED（1）= 0，CL（1）= P（1）。失憶癥的結束由從第一次記錄的事件的日期加上預期的距離（在給定的置信水平）計算的年齡來標記。 An exemplary picture \(actual data\) based on 9 data points, and cut-off point of 8 months makes it possible to state with confidence of 90% that childhood amnesia lasted for the first 2.65 years of a child's life. The experiment could safely end at the age of 5 as confidence level on the end of amnesia was approaching 1.00, and the expected date of amnesia end was 2.84 \(i.e. age of the first episode recorded plus the expected distance\). Interestingly, at the end of childhood amnesia determined using a similar approach, outwardly, the child may still seem unable to remember beyond a week. This might explain why a high emotional content is essential for the memorable event to break through an average survival of episodic memories. 基于 9 個數據點和 8 個月的截止點的示例性圖片（實際數據）使得有可能以 90％ 的置信度表明童年失憶癥持續了兒童生命的前 2.65 年。該實驗可以安全地在 5 歲結束，因為失憶癥結束時的置信水平接近 1.00，并且失憶癥結束的預期日期是 2.84（即記錄的第一個事件的年齡加上預期距離）。有趣的是，在兒童時期結束時，使用類似的方法確定失憶癥，從外表看，孩子可能仍然無法記住超過一周。這也許可以解釋為什么高度的情感內容對于令人難忘的事件來說是必不可少的，以突破情景記憶的平均留存。  Obviously, measuring amnesia is a hazy science. Minimum memory survival is arbitrary. Confidence levels are wild approximations. Memories registered as "earliest" today may be forgotten in a year or in 10 years. New data points may show up at any time, even at teen age. New technologies make it easy to document events accurately even though verification of recall is always inexact science. 顯然，測量失憶癥是一種朦朧的科學。最小記憶留存是任意的。置信水平是猜測的近似值。今天記錄為「最早」的記憶可能會在一年或十年內被遺忘。即使在青少年時期，新數據點也可能隨時出現。即使回憶的驗證總是不精確的科學，新技術也可以輕松準確地記錄事件。 Dating amnesia at the age of 5 is interesting, revisiting the same data at the age of 10 can bring an entirely different result. Earliest memories can get lost. Testing recall of an older child should shift the actual boundary to a later age, but might also be more prone to false memories \(e.g. implanted by a parent, recalled via pictures or videos, or resulting from conglomeration of memories\). 測定失憶癥在 5 歲很有趣，重新審視 10 歲時的相同數據會帶來完全不同的結果。最早的記憶可能被遺失。測試對年齡較大的孩子的回憶應該將實際邊界轉移到較晚的年齡，但也可能更容易出現錯誤記憶（例如，由父母植入，通過圖片或視頻回憶，或者由記憶的聚集產生）。 ### 16.6 Retrospective recall curve ### 回顧性回憶曲線 Rubin and Schulkind in 1997 showed two phases of amnesia in the first decade of life using [autobiographical memories](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/How_autobiographical_memories_fade_in_time). Those phases should easily be explained as a gradual process in which the capacity of long-term memory increase and interference related to brain growth is diminished \(see: [graph](http://learnmem.cshlp.org/content/19/9/423/F1.expansion.html)\). Rubin 和 Schulkind 在1997年用[自傳記憶](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/How_autobiographical_memories_fade_in_time)證明了在生命的頭十年里有兩個階段的失憶。這些階段應該很容易解釋為一個漸進的過程，在這個過程中，長期記憶的能力增加，與大腦生長相關的干擾減少（見：[圖](http://learnmem.cshlp.org/content/19/9/423/F1.expansion.html)）。 I was able to produce a similar graph using my own autobiographical memories. In an unrelated project, which I call "retrospective diary", I tried to collect all remembered memories from my childhood and adolescence. I started writing down those memories at the age of 13, and continue the process until this day. Most of events from the 1960s and the 1970s, I documented via recall that occurred in the early 1980s. I largely run out of new episodes to document by the 1990s. New data points are burdened with very low reliability. These might be planted memories or sheer fantasies and delusions. The greatest value of that effort comes from my meticulous effort to document all things I could recall. It was not a timed one-off effort. It was a continual lifelong effort in which I might interrupt my activities at any point in time only to jot down a recall of memories from primary school. The graph becomes meaningless after 1981 when my "retrospective diary" became serious and extended to all episodic memories from the times of college. Hence the explosion in the number of documented events. They were documented immediately after occurring. This is unfair to early memories, however, the last point in the graph can serve as a reflection of the snapshot of memories from a given point in time when we remember lots of recent events anyway. 我能用我自己的自傳記憶做出一個類似的圖表。在一個我稱之為「回憶日記」的無關項目中，我試圖收集我童年和青春期的所有記憶。我從 13 歲開始寫下這些記憶，并一直堅持到今天。我通過回憶，記錄了 20 世紀 60 年代和 70 年代發生的大多數事件，這些事件發生在 20 世紀 80 年代初。到 20 世紀 90 年代，我基本上已經沒有新的事件可以記錄了。新數據點的可靠性非常低。這些可能是植入的記憶或純粹的幻想和妄想。這種努力最大的價值來自于我一絲不茍地記錄下我能回憶起的所有事情。這不是一次有時間的一次性努力。這是一個持續一生的努力，我可能會在任何時候中斷我的活動，只為了草草記下對小學的回憶。1981 年之后，我的「回憶日記」變得嚴肅起來，延伸到大學時代的所有情景記憶，這張圖表就變得毫無意義了。因此，記錄在案的事件數量暴增。它們在發生后立即被記錄下來。這對早期的記憶是不公平的，然而，圖表中的最后一點可以作為一個快照的記憶，從一個給定的時間點，當我們記得很多最近的事件。  Interestingly, on multiple occasions I documented forgetting of episodes recalled earlier. A primary school memory recalled at 20, might be forgotten at 30, or even at 50. Exhaustive recall documentation will then bring different results at different ages. If I was to begin this project at later ages, the result would differ. The number of documented episodes would drop significantly and the shape of the curve would be different. In other words, the recall curve in adulthood keep being reshaped by forgetting. 有趣的是，在很多情況下，我都記錄了自己對之前回憶的事情的遺忘。20 歲時回憶的小學記憶可能會在 30 歲甚至 50 歲時被遺忘。詳盡的回憶文檔將在不同的年齡帶來不同的結果。如果我在晚些時候開始這個項目，結果會有所不同。記錄的事件數量會顯著下降，曲線的形狀也將不同。換句話說，成年人的記憶曲線不斷被遺忘重塑。 Earliest memories carry strong persistence, which probably comes from the badge of being the earliest memory. 最早的記憶帶有強烈的持久性，這可能來自最早記憶的徽章。 ### 16.7 Childhood amnesia: Mechanism ### 童年失憶癥：機制 There is no actual amnesia in healthy childhood. Childhood amnesia is a misnomer. 健康的童年沒有真正的失憶癥。童年失憶癥是用詞不當。 The child begins forming memories as a fetus. Some of those are structural memories based on physical connections between brain cells, some affect entire pathways, and some will last for life. The child will never "forget" how to control its gastric functions or its heart rate using the central nervous system. 孩子開始形成胎兒的記憶。其中一些是基于腦細胞之間物理連接的結構記憶，一些影響整個途徑，一些將持續終生。孩子永遠不會「忘記」如何使用中樞神經系統控制其胃功能或心率。 A good visual pattern recognition that makes it possible to recognize a bottle of milk, or mom's face is also based on memory. This type of memory will rather not fade. Recognition of sounds of one's native language is another unfading or low-fading example. Those networks form in a [critical period](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Critical_period), and neglect or denial will have a lasting effect. 一個良好的視覺模式識別，可以識別一瓶牛奶或媽媽的臉也是基于記憶。這種類型的記憶不會褪色。對母語聲音的識別是另一個不褪色或低褪色的例子。這些網絡形成于一個[關鍵時期](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Critical_period)，忽視或否認將產生持久影響。 The child also starts forming declarative memories early. Naming that bottle of milk would definitely be a specific declarative memory based on specific connections that should be retained in a longer term. 孩子也很早就開始形成陳述性記憶。給那瓶牛奶命名肯定是一種特定的陳述性記憶，它基于應該長期保存的特定連接。 Those early declarative memories will rely on molecular changes in existing synapses. Some of those memories may also survive for life, however, we have no good way of knowing it. The problem is that there is a tremendous turnover of declarative memories in a developing brain. As a result, we have noticed that baby memories have a very short duration. That observable lifespan will increase gradually in proportion to a slowing turmoil of rewiring in the young brain. 這些早期的陳述性記憶依賴于現存突觸的分子變化。這些記憶中的一些也可能會存在一生，然而，我們沒有很好的方法去了解它。問題是，在一個正在發育的大腦中，陳述性記憶發生了巨大的轉變。因此，我們注意到嬰兒的記憶持續時間很短。這個可觀察到的持續時間將隨著年輕大腦重新布線的緩慢混亂而逐漸增加。 There is little chance for using [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) for those early declarative memories. They are volatile and keep reshuffling. Good score in SuperMemo might equally well be a result of reviewing the term in real life a day before. The algorithm makes little sense when memories get destroyed by fast growth. 對于那些早期的陳述性記憶，幾乎沒有機會使用 [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) 。它們不穩定并且不斷改組。在 SuperMemo 中取得好成績也可能是前一天在現實生活中復習這個詞的結果。當記憶被快速增長摧毀時，這個算法就沒什么意義了。 A two year old toddler might find it difficult to remember things beyond a month. This span will be hugely dependent on temperament, health, upbringing, environment, etc. It can be annoyingly short in some toddlers, it can be "genius-level" in others. Paradoxically, long memories in a young child may be a sign of brain growth slowing down. The longer the period of growth and rewiring, the bigger and better the effect of child's "bad memory". 一個兩歲大的小孩可能會發現很難記住超過一個月的事情。這個跨度將在很大程度上取決于氣質、健康、教養、環境等。在一些蹣跚學步的孩子身上，它可能短得令人煩惱，而在另一些孩子身上，它可能是「天才級別」。矛盾的是，年幼孩子的長期記憶可能是大腦發育放緩的標志。成長和重新布線的時間越長，孩子的「糟糕記憶」的影響就越大、越好。 There is no actual amnesia. The term refers to a window of time in which a recall of childhood memories is unlikely. For most kids that window spans from 2 to 4 years. There is nothing amnestic about that window. The window is only a matter of competition between six primary processes: \(1\) forming memories, \(2\) forgetting memories, \(3\) memory interference, \(4\) brain re-wiring, \(5\) exposure to memorable events, and \(6\) post exposure review. 沒有真正的失憶癥。該術語指的是一段不太可能回憶起童年記憶的時間窗口。對于大多數孩子來說，這個窗口的時間跨度為 2 到 4 年。那個時間窗口沒有什么可以讓人忘記的。窗口只是六個主要過程之間的競爭問題：（1）形成記憶，（2）忘記記憶，（3）記憶干擾，（4）大腦重新布線，（5）暴露于難忘事件，以及（6）接觸后復習。 To form the first memory that can survive the lifetime, the following scenario must occur \(memory process classes in bold\): 要形成可以在生命周期中留存的第一個記憶，必須發生以下方案（記憶進程類以粗體顯示）： * the child encounters an event that is particularly memorable or traumatic, e.g. trip to Disneyland \(**exposure to memorable events** and **forming memories**\) * 孩子遇到特別令人難忘或創傷的事件，例如迪士尼樂園之旅（ **接觸難忘的事件** 和 **形成記憶** ） * that memory must survive the turmoil of brain growth. The younger the child, the faster the growth, the less likely the survival of the memory \(**brain re-wiring**\) * 記憶必須在大腦發育的動蕩中留存下來。孩子越年輕，成長越快，記憶的留存率越低（ **大腦重新接線** ） * the event must be memorable enough to come back to child's mind in some circumstances, e.g. mention of Donald Duck on TV \(**post exposure review**\) * 在某些情況下，這個活動必須足夠令人難忘，以回到孩子的腦海，例如在電視上提及唐老鴨（ **接觸后的復習** ） * the frequency of re-exposure to that prompted recall must be high enough to meet the criteria set by the [3-component model of long-term memory](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/3-component_model_of_long-term_memory) derived from [spaced repetition](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Spaced_repetition) [experiments](http://www.super-memory.com/english/ol/beginning.htm). In short, review must be frequent enough to prevent forgetting via decay \(**forgetting memories**\) * 重新接觸到這種提示性回憶的頻率必須足夠高，以滿足由[間隔重復](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Spaced_repetition)[實驗](http://www.super-memory.com/english/ol/beginning.htm)得出的[長期記憶 3 分量模型](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/3-component_model_of_long-term_memory)所設定的標準。簡而言之，復習必須足夠頻繁，以防止記憶衰退而遺忘（**遺忘記憶**） * brain growth will interfere with the core assumption of the 3-component model of memory: the neural substrate of memory is constant. The model is based entirely on forgetting via the decay of memory traces. The interference from brain growth will wane over time \(**brain re-wiring**\) * 大腦生長將干擾 3 分量記憶模型的核心假設：記憶的神經基質是恒定的。該模型完全基于通過記憶痕跡的衰減而遺忘。大腦生長的干擾會隨著時間的推移而減弱（ **大腦重新接線** ） * high volume learning interferes with old memories. In a child, the volume is high due to a high novelty exposure and a high forgetting rate in a growing brain \(**memory interference**\). Newly formed neural patterns are subject to interference. Interference is massive. The disruptive brain growth component of interference will wane, the novelty component will wane too, however, knowledge interference is a factor that affects children and students for life. There is an effective remedy to interference. This remedy depends on [knowledge formulation](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/20_rules), and can be reduced with automated learning techniques such as [incremental reading](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Incremental_reading). Last but not least, lifelong self-directed learning is the best form of training in avoiding interference. Lifelong learning is the best formula for lifelong memories. * 高容量學習會干擾舊記憶。在兒童中，由于接觸新鮮事物的頻率高，以及大腦發育（ **記憶干擾** ）中遺忘率高 ，所以容量很大。新形成的神經模式受到干擾。干擾是巨大的。干擾的破壞性大腦生長成分將減弱，新奇成分也將減弱，然而，知識干擾是影響兒童和學生一生的一個因素。對干擾有一種有效的補救措施。這種補救方法依賴于[知識的制定](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/20_rules)，可以通過自動學習技術（如[漸進閱讀](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Incremental_reading)）加以減少。最后但同樣重要的是，終身自主學習是避免干擾的最佳培訓形式。終身學習是終身記憶的最佳方式。 The above scenario explains why with each passing day, the chances of forming the first lifelong memory increases. The string of memorable events is unceasing and might increase with brain maturity \(baby pram is not a good place for memorable encounters\). Brain growth is slowing, which favors memory survival. Novelty level and the resulting interference is decreasing. At some point, a memorable event will stick and this moment in time closes the window termed childhood amnesia. 上面的場景解釋了為什么隨著時間的流逝，形成第一個終生記憶的機會越來越大。一連串令人難忘的事件是不斷發生的，而且可能隨著大腦的成熟而增加（嬰兒車不是一個產生讓人難忘的邂逅的好地方）。大腦發育正在放緩，這有利于記憶的保存。新穎性水平和由此產生的干擾正在降低。在某一時刻，一件值得紀念的事情將會發生，而這一刻將會關閉一扇被稱為童年失憶癥的窗口。 The memory that we will label as "earliest memory" is not a memory that naturally lasts for 6-8 decades, but the one that is memorable enough to be reviewed often enough. 我們將其標記為「最早的記憶」的記憶不是一個自然持續 6 到 8 年的記憶，而是一種足夠令人難忘的足以經常復習的記憶。 Sadly, the earliest recalled event isn't usually the trip to Disneyland. Traumatic or unpleasant events are more likely to survive. This is why so many adults bring up daycare events as their first memory. The unpleasant memory may also come from unexpected direction. See how [birthday candles contributed to the novel hypothetical neural mechanism explaining childhood amnesia](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Infantile_amnesia_caused_by_neurogenesis). 可悲的是，最早被回憶的事件通常不是迪斯尼樂園之旅。創傷或不愉快的事件更有可能留存下來。這就是為什么這么多成年人將幼兒園活動作為他們的第一記憶。令人不快的記憶也可能來自意想不到的方向。看看[生日蠟燭是如何幫助解釋嬰兒失憶癥的新型假想神經機制的](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Infantile_amnesia_caused_by_neurogenesis)。 All parents of boys who are late to speak, or late to ride a bike are told that "_boys are slower than girls_". This is true. This primarily boils down to testosterone and its impact on the brain. Slow development in boys is actually good news. Their brain growth window might be more turbulent. In addition to the proverbial glass ceiling facing all girls, there is still some advantage to slow-growing male brains. It will be males who will largely populate math and physics departments. They will rein in chess or even in Nobel Prize awards. Naturally, Judith Polgar or Marie Curie prove that all ceilings can be shattered with self-discipline and persistence. 所有說話較晚或騎自行車較晚的男孩的父母都被告知「_男孩比女孩慢_」。這是真的。這主要歸結為睪丸激素及其對大腦的影響。男孩發展緩慢實際上是個好消息。他們的大腦發育窗口可能更加動蕩。除了所有女孩都面臨著眾所周知的玻璃天花板之外，男性大腦發育緩慢仍有一些優勢。男性將在很大程度上占據數學系和物理系。他們將控制國際象棋，甚至諾貝爾獎。當然，Judith Polgar 或 Marie Curie 證明，自律和堅持可以打破所有的天花板。 ### 16.8 Childhood amnesia mythology ### 童年失憶癥迷思 There is a rich childhood amnesia mythology. Even the scientific community is permeated by erroneous interpretation of the phenomenon. I won't give Freud ideas a mention beyond his contribution to coining the term: _infantile amnesia_. First solid research on the increased rate of forgetting in childhood came from before I was born. However, this still does not prevent new interpretations spawning on a regular basis. Childhood amnesia is nothing more than faster forgetting in childhood. As such it should not even be called amnesia. It is not a disorder. Memories get formed. We just lose them faster. 有一個豐富的童年失憶癥迷思。甚至科學界也充斥著對這一現象的錯誤解釋。除了弗洛伊德對創造_嬰兒失憶癥_這個詞的貢獻之外，我不會再提他的想法。第一個關于兒童遺忘率增加的可靠研究來自于我出生前。但是，這仍然不能阻止定期產生新的解釋。童年失憶癥只不過是在童年時期更快忘記。因此，它甚至不應被稱為失憶癥。這不是一種疾病。記憶已經形成。我們只是更快失去它們。 The whole array of falsehoods begins with reports of recall from the cradle or even from the womb. False memories can form easily even in adulthood. False or distorted memories from childhood are so prevalent that everyone could probably come with one with some effort. Those memories may come with or without the evidence of being false. 所有的謊言都始于從搖籃里甚至從子宮里回憶的報告。即使在成年時期，錯誤的記憶也很容易形成。童年時期錯誤或扭曲的記憶是如此普遍，以至于每個人都可能付出一些努力就能擁有這樣的記憶。這些記憶可能是假的，也可能不是。 There is a hypothesis which says that childhood amnesia ends with the development of verbal memory, which helps the survival of episodic memories. In reality, there is a link between the two, but it is only causal. Both episodic and verbal memories face the same developmental obstacles in a fast growing brain. It so happens that soon after speech develops, first lifetime episodic memories might form. It may also happen that speech develops slowly enough to lose that race. However, the early memories are unlikely to have a form of a story presented in words. They are more likely to be non-verbal. The assistance of language in retaining early episodic memories is probably limited. Early memories can be adorned with verbal interpretations later in life. Rats experience the same bad memory as little pups and their amnesia goes away fast with brain development without the need to rely on speech. 有一種假說認為，童年失憶癥隨著語言記憶的發展而結束，這有助于情景記憶的留存。在現實中，兩者之間有聯系，但只是因果關系。在快速增長的大腦中，情景記憶和語言記憶都面臨著同樣的發展障礙。在語言發展后不久，可能會形成第一個情景記憶。也有可能發生的是，語言發展緩慢到足以輸掉這場比賽。然而，早期的記憶不太可能有文字形式的故事。他們更可能是非語言的。語言在保留早期情景記憶方面的幫助可能是有限的。早期的記憶可以在以后的生活中通過口頭解釋加以修飾。老鼠的記憶力和小狗一樣差，它們的失憶癥隨著大腦的發育而迅速消失，不需要依賴語言。 In the area of amnesia research, we can see a problem of small samples, unreliable reports or even incorrect interpretation of the data. Graphs that I include in this text are also an illustration of the small sample problem. They are interesting but not definite. 在失憶癥研究領域，我們可以看到一個小樣本的問題，不可靠的報告，甚至不正確的數據解釋。我在本文中包含的圖表也是小樣本問題的一個例子。它們很有趣但不確定。 Popular culture uses misleading terminology like "_to suffer from childhood amnesia_" as if it was a disease or abnormality. It also associates childhood amnesia with adulthood in admissions like "_I must have childhood amnesia. I remember little of my childhood_". Wikipedia begins with defining amnesia as "_inability of adults_". Amnesia has nothing to do with adulthood. "_Inability of adults_" is technically true but misleading. It is as if saying "_a car crash is a situation that results in a need to go to a mechanic_". The essence of a crash is the collision, not the need to repair cars. Even Psychology Today contains suggestive texts like "_children are not as amnesic about their early lives as adults are_", which again is technically true. However, adults are not amnesic beyond just being forgetful. They simply do not happen to magically recall things they forgot in childhood. On the other hand, it is the kids that are more "amnesic". It is the kids who show a faster rate of forgetting. 流行文化使用誤導性的術語，如「_患有童年失憶癥_」，好像它是一種疾病或異常。它還將童年失憶癥與成年期聯系在一起，例如「_我一定有有兒童失憶癥。我幾乎不記得我的童年了_」。維基百科開始將失憶癥定義為「 _成年人無能_ 」。失憶與成年無關。「 _成年人的無能_ 」在技術上是正確的，但具有誤導性。這就像是說「_撞車是一種需要去找修理工的情況_ 」。撞車的本質是碰撞，而不是需要修理汽車。即使是今天的心理學也包含一些暗示性的文本，比如「_兒童不像成年人那樣對他們的早期生活失憶_」，這在技術上也是正確的。然而，成年人除了遺忘之外并沒有失憶。他們只是不會神奇地回憶起他們在童年時忘記的事情。另一方面，是孩子們更容易「失憶」。是孩子們表現出更快的遺忘速度。 Research in rats has suggested that early memories [might somehow be retrieved](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Can_childhood_memories_be_retrieved%3F). However, the correct interpretation is less optimistic: seemingly forgotten memories can be retrieved until they cannot be retrieved at all \(in any way\). It is hard to understand why anyone would believe that walking and speech are good indicators of things we remember from childhood. Walking and speech are constantly practiced and reviewed. Procedural memories involved in walking should not even be a consideration in childhood amnesia. As for semantic memories involved in speech, they get recycled dozens or hundreds of times while growing up. 對老鼠的研究表明，早期記憶[可能以某種方式被檢索](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Can_childhood_memories_be_retrieved%3F)。然而，正確的解釋不那么樂觀：可以檢索看似遺忘的記憶，直到它們完全無法（以任何方式）檢索。很難理解為什么有人會相信走路和講話是我們從童年起就記得的事情的良好指標。行走和講話是不斷練習和復習的。走路中涉及的程序性記憶甚至不應成為童年失憶癥的考慮因素。至于語言中涉及的語義記憶，它們在成長過程中會被重復使用數十次或數百次。 In the context of schooling, an interesting small-sample research was carried out by Bauer and Larkina in which [accelerated forgetting was observed at around the age of 7](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Schooling_contributes_to_childhood_amnesia). This immediately sparked misleading headlines like "_At what age do we start forgetting childhood memories?_", or "_Childhood amnesia occurs at the age of 7_". I did not see anyone notice that beyond growing permanent teeth there is only one major developmental discontinuity occurring at around the age of 7: This is the beginning of school for many kids around the world. Increased learning leads to increased forgetting via [interference](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Interference). Increased [stress](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stress_resilience) contributes further to obliterating early episodic memories that might have also been stress induced. Poor quality [coercive schooling](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Coercion_in_learning) undermines [knowledge coherence](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Knowledge_coherence), which further accelerates [forgetting](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting). 在學校教育的背景下，Bauer 和 Larkina 進行了一項有趣的小樣本研究，他們[在 7 歲左右觀察到加速遺忘](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Schooling_contributes_to_childhood_amnesia)。這立即引發了諸如「_我們什么時候開始忘記童年記憶？_」，或者「_童年失憶癥發生在 7 歲_」。我沒有看到任何人注意到，除了長恒牙之外，在 7 歲左右只發生了一次重大的發育不連續現象：這是世界上許多孩子上學的開始。通過[干擾](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Interference)，學習的增加導致遺忘的增加。[壓力](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stress_resilience)的增加會進一步抹殺可能也是由壓力引起的早期情景記憶。低質量的[強制教育](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Coercion_in_learning)破壞了[知識的連貫性](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Knowledge_coherence)，從而進一步加速了[遺忘](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Forgetting)。 > Early schooling is likely to cause an accelerated loss of childhood memories > > 早期教育可能會導致童年記憶的加速喪失 ### 16.9 My first memories ### 我的第一個回憶 > Personal anecdote. [Why use anecdotes?](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Why_use_anecdotes%3F) > > 個人軼事。[為什么要使用軼事？](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Why_use_anecdotes%3F) > > My earliest memory is about begging my mom not to take me to daycare. This is a typical type of unpleasant memory that is likely to get etched for life. My wild estimate is that I might have been three at that time. The hour was early and the street was dark. The year was probably 1965. I was able to find this place, more or less, five decades later on Google Maps. To this day this place seems gloomy to me \(see below\). My mom was dragging me by hand to daycare via Jackowskiego street and I totally did not enjoy the prospect. She would do that before going to work. The doomsday feeling of the time was partly caused by early waking and darkness. Partly it was about the dry atmosphere of daycare packed with unhappy sleepy kids crowded in small places. Daycare definitely did not feel like a good thing to me. In those days, in communist and not-so-rich Poland, those facilities looked more like a chicken farm: > > 我最早的記憶是求媽媽不要帶我去幼兒園。這是一種典型的不愉快的記憶，很可能會在生活中留下印記。我的粗略估計是那時我可能已經三歲了。時間還早，街上一片漆黑。那一年大概是 1965 年。大約 50 年后，我在谷歌地圖上找到了這個地方。直到今天，這個地方在我看來還是陰森森的（見下圖）。我媽媽拉著我從 Jackowskiego 街走到幼兒園，我完全不喜歡這樣的景象。她會在上班前做那件事。當時的末日感覺部分是由早起和黑暗造成的。部分原因是幼兒園枯燥的氣氛，小地方擠滿了不開心、昏昏欲睡的孩子。對我來說，幼兒園絕對不是一件好事。當時，在共產主義和不那么富裕的波蘭，這些設施看起來更像一個養雞場: > >  > > I am not sure why I could not stay at home with my beloved granny. I only know that granny would live at times in a village with her other daughter. Mom was a sole bread winner for her 3 kids. > > 我不知道為什么我不能呆在家里和我心愛的奶奶在一起。我只知道奶奶有時會和她的另一個女兒住在村子里。母親是她三個孩子唯一的經濟支柱。 > > My second earliest memory is about daycare itself. In compulsory nap periods, I was not sleepy. Perhaps it was a wrong time, or I was a type of kid that grew out of napping at an early age. The kids were marched to beds after lunch and the supervisor would make sure they all had eyes closed. As I was not sleepy, I pretended to close my eyes and watched the room around. The supervisor barked: "_Wozniak! I can see your eyes are not closed!_". This seems like a monumental waste of time, wasted opportunity for learning and exploration and the first taste of the need to comply with authorities. This is the anti-thesis of healthy unconstrained development. > > 我的第二個最早的記憶是關于幼兒園本身。在強制午睡期間，我并不困倦。也許這是一個錯誤的時間，或者我是那種從小就不午睡的孩子。孩子們午飯后被押到床上，主管會確保他們都閉上眼睛。因為我不困，我假裝閉上眼睛，環顧四周。主管咆哮道：「 _Wozniak！我能看見你的眼睛沒有閉上！_ 」這似乎是對時間的巨大浪費，對學習和探索的機會的浪費，以及對服從權威的第一次嘗試。這是健康無約束發展的對立面。 > > I have lots of other memories from that period, but I suspect they might have been planted in my head later by reviewing family pictures. Those less pleasant memories, e.g. of bullying, seem to have survived best. This is exactly what theory says: early stress accelerates development of memory. This leads to many short-sighted strategies employed in child development. Early memory may often mean shorted time for development. > > 那段時間我還有很多其他的記憶，但我懷疑它們可能是后來通過看家庭照片植入我腦海的。那些不太愉快的記憶，比如被欺凌的記憶，似乎保存得最好。這正是理論所說的：早期壓力會加速記憶的發展。這導致在兒童發展中采用許多短視的策略。早期記憶通常意味著短時間的發育。 ### 16.10 Conclusions for parents ### 給父母的結論 Childhood amnesia has wide implications for parenting strategies. These are top conclusions I suggest be taken home from this text: 童年失憶癥對父母育兒策略有廣泛的影響。以下是我建議大家從本文中得出的最重要的結論： * **all forms of early instruction must be approached with caution**. Declarative memories do not survive long in the period corresponding with childhood amnesia. Memorizing capitals of the world at the age of 2 is likely to be wasted time. Until the age of 3-5, for most kids, best learning is learning via play. Child's brain [knows best](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Learn_drive) what serves it well * **必須謹慎對待所有形式的早期教學**。陳述性記憶在與童年失憶相對應的時期內不能留存很久。在 2 歲時記住世界各國首都可能是浪費時間。對于大多數孩子來說，在 3 - 5 歲之前，最好的學習方式是通過玩耍來學習。孩子的大腦[最清楚](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Learn_drive)什么對它有好處 * [**stress accelerates learning**](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Learning_acceleration_via_stress) but this is not the type of acceleration that is welcome in development * [**壓力加速學習**](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Learning_acceleration_via_stress)，但這不是發育中受歡迎的加速類型 * **stress slows down neurogenesis** and favores memory survival. Parents should never celebrate acceleration of development coming from daycare. This is the type of "acceleration" that actually undercuts child's long-term development potential * **壓力減緩神經發生**，有利于記憶的留存。父母不應該慶祝來自幼兒園的加速發展。這種「加速」實際上削弱了兒童的長期發展潛力 * **stress accelerates synaptic pruning**. Parents should never celebrate acceleration coming from daycare or early tutoring. If it comes from stressful settings, it will fix the child's brain at the earlier developmental stage. It will prejudice child's position in life, her reactions, and her preferences * **壓力加速突觸修剪**。父母不應該慶祝來自幼兒園或早期輔導的加速。如果它來自壓力環境，它將在早期發育階段固定孩子的大腦。它會損害孩子的生活中的姿態、反應和喜好 * **stress of learning can lead to toxic memories** \(at any age\) * **學習壓力會導致毒性記憶**（在任何年齡） * **boys are slow to learn and develop**. Boys are unruly and hard to discipline. Boys need extra patience and should not be brought down to heel. Freedom is essential for development. Paradoxically, bad behavior today may translate to high creativity decades later * **男孩學習和發展緩慢**。男孩子不守規矩，很難管教。男孩們需要額外的耐心，不應該就范。發展離不開自由。矛盾的是，今天的不良行為可能會在幾十年后轉化為高創造力 * all "techniques" aimed at improving memory, learning, and concentration in early childhood are largely aimed at stifling natural behaviors that may favor long-term development and learning. Memorization and discipline can wait. **Parents should focus on quality sleep, nutrition, exercise, love, and plenty of playtime** * 所有旨在改善兒童早期記憶、學習和注意力的「技巧」主要是為了扼殺可能有利于長期發展和學習的自然行為。記憶和紀律可以等待。**父母應該注重優質的睡眠、營養、鍛煉、愛和充足的游戲時間** All the above points can be met by ceding some authority and entrusting kid with more decision-making. Child's brain has a great deal of ["magic" powers](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Learn_drive)in determining what's best for its development. 以上幾點都可以通過放棄一些權威，讓孩子做更多的決定來實現。孩子的大腦在決定什么是最好的發展方面有很多[「神奇」的力量](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Learn_drive)。 ### 16.11 Summary: Childhood amnesia ### 摘要：童年失憶癥 * children rarely recall memories from before the age of 2-3 * 孩子很少回憶起 2 - 3 歲之前的記憶 * retrospective recall shows exponential decline back in time and approaches zero around the age of 3 * 回顧性回憶在時間上呈指數遞減，在 3 歲左右趨于零 * children form episodic and declarative memories from birth. The term "childhood amnesia" refers to rapid memory turnover in childhood * 孩子從出生就形成了偶然和陳述的記憶。術語「童年失憶癥」是指童年時期的快速記憶轉換 * [neurogenesis, i.e. birth of new neurons in the brain, is one of the reasons for childhood amnesia](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Infantile_amnesia_caused_by_neurogenesis) * [神經發生，即大腦中新神經元的誕生，是童年失憶癥的原因之一](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Infantile_amnesia_caused_by_neurogenesis) * before puberty, [net loss of dendritic spines](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Dendritic_spine_turnover_is_high_early_in_development) in the cortex indicates a rapid structural adaptation of memory * 在青春期之前，大腦皮層[中樹突棘的凈損失](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Dendritic_spine_turnover_is_high_early_in_development)表明記憶結構的快速適應 * lifetime survival of early memories depends on \(1\) memory formation, \(2\) forgetting, \(3\) interference, \(4\) re-wiring, \(5\) exposure to memorable events, and \(6\) post exposure review * 早期記憶的終身留存取決于（1）記憶形成，（2）遺忘，（3）干擾，（4）重新布線，（5）接觸難忘事件，以及（6）接觸后復習 * earliest memories are often unpleasant \(e.g. related to daycare\). [Stress tends to improve learning](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stress_reduces_neurogenesis), and undermine brain growth * 最早的記憶往往令人不愉快（例如與幼兒園有關）。[壓力往往會改善學習](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/Stress_reduces_neurogenesis)，并破壞大腦的成長 * with declarative memory span from 1 to 6 months, toddlers and young children have virtually no long-term declarative memory * 陳述性記憶的時間跨度從 1 個月到 6 個月不等，嬰兒和幼兒幾乎沒有長期的陳述性記憶 * interviewing children for memories marking the end of childhood amnesia is hardly ever possible. Only a close caregiver can provide highly unreliable record that can be used in research * 面談兒童尋找記憶童年失憶癥結束的記憶幾乎是不可能的。只有密切的護理人員才能提供可用于研究的高度不可靠的記錄 * children memory may start approaching adult performance slowly between ages 5-15. Exact numbers are hard to obtain. [SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) can be used in such comparisons * 兒童記憶可能會在 5 - 15 歲之間慢慢接近成人表現。確切的數字很難獲得。[SuperMemo](https://supermemo.guru/wiki/SuperMemo) 可用于此類比較 * poor declarative memories in children imply that formal instruction should best be delayed until the age of 7-9 * 兒童陳述性記憶不佳意味著正式教學最好延遲到 7 - 9 歲 * children learn best via self-directed play and exploration * 孩子們通過自我指導的游戲和探索學習得最好